Lee Jae myung completely abolished the South Korean Prosecutor's Office, overwhelmingly passed by the National Assembly in 174:1, and the instituti...

The South Korean political arena has undergone a shocking transformation. In September 2025, the South Korean National Assembly overwhelmingly passed the amendment to the Political Organization Act with 174 votes in favor, 1 vote against, and 5 abstentions.

The core content of this bill is to abolish the 78 year old South Korean Prosecutor's Office and separate its investigative and prosecutorial powers, which will be taken over by the newly established Major Crime Investigation Department and Public Prosecution Department, respectively.

This reform is not only a reorganization of judicial power, but also a deep game of political power.

The South Korean Prosecutor's Office has long held dual functions of investigative and prosecutorial powers, with highly centralized power.

According to the current system, prosecutors can not only independently investigate cases, but also command the police to conduct investigations, and even investigate high-level officials including the president under the "special prosecutor" system.

This powerful power has made the prosecutor's office an important participant in South Korean politics and has also strained its relationship with previous presidents.

From Chun Doo hwan to Yoon Suk yeol, all former presidents of South Korea have been investigated by the prosecution system without exception, and many of them have been sentenced. This phenomenon is known as the "Blue House Curse" and has become a lingering shadow in South Korean politics.

President Lee Jae ming, who is pushing for reforms this time, clearly understands the threat to the power of the prosecutor's office. In recent years, he himself has been investigated for many cases such as real estate development fraud, and his political ally and former President Moon Jae-in has also been targeted by the prosecutor's office, and even investigated his son-in-law Xu in the name of suspected bribery.

The powerful power of the prosecutor's office makes it almost impossible for politicians to escape the risk of judicial liquidation. To this end, Li Zaiming and the ruling party, the Democratic Party, seized the favorable opportunity of controlling the government and parliament, and pushed for amendments to the Political Organization Law, attempting to weaken the influence of the prosecution system by completely separating the powers of investigation and prosecution.

According to the bill, the Department of Major Crime Investigation will be responsible for investigating major cases, similar to the FBI in the United States, while the Department of Public Prosecutions will focus on the prosecution and trial of cases. This arrangement aims to achieve a balance of judicial power and avoid excessive concentration of power.

However, this reform has also sparked significant controversy. The right-wing forces believe that abolishing the prosecutor's office is equivalent to weakening judicial independence and may turn newly established institutions into tools of the ruling party. Members of the National Power Party even collectively withdrew in protest, while some prosecutors resigned in anger and publicly expressed their dissatisfaction.

In fact, the debate surrounding the power of the prosecution system has a long history. When Moon Jae-in was in office, he promoted the amendment of the Criminal Procedure Law and the amendment of the Procuratorate Law, narrowed the scope of direct investigation of the procuratorate to anti-corruption and economic fields, and initially promoted the separation of investigation power and public prosecution power.

And Li Zaiming's reform this time is a comprehensive upgrade based on this foundation, completely dismantling the power structure of the prosecutor's office. This is not only an adjustment of the judicial system, but also a redistribution of political power.

Although the bill has been passed, the prospects for reform remain unclear. The right-wing forces may launch a counterattack at the public opinion and parliamentary levels, using the slogan of "maintaining judicial independence" to try to prevent the progress of reform.

At the same time, there are also many unknowns about the operating mechanism of the new institution. Whether the Major Crime Investigation Department can truly operate independently and whether the Public Prosecution Department will be subject to interference from the ruling party will be the tests of the future.

From an international perspective, the separation of judicial powers is not a new phenomenon. For example, there is a clear division of power between the FBI and the Department of Justice in the United States. However, the complex political ecology and profound partisan opposition in South Korea make the path of reform full of challenges.

The real goal of this reform is to break the 'Blue House Curse' and reduce the risk of political figures being liquidated due to judicial investigations. But it may also bring new problems.

In the future, whether the South Korean judicial system can achieve a true balance of power and whether the South Korean political arena can break free from the vicious cycle of political liquidation remains an unresolved issue.

Li Zaiming's path of judicial reform has just begun, and the real test is still ahead. This change not only concerns the adjustment of judicial power, but will also profoundly affect the political ecology and future direction of South Korea.

Although the Blue House curse made the former South Korean president a high-risk profession, it also largely avoided a larger crisis at the national level. Li Zaiming's separation of the prosecutor's office is beneficial for the presidency of South Korea, but for the country and its citizens, both good and bad are unpredictable.

Melissa 发表于 2025-9-30 23:30
Although the Blue House curse made the former South Korean president a high-risk profession, it also ...

Compared to the president, the prosecutor's office is more susceptible to manipulation, thus balancing the president. Since the president is elected by the people and the prosecutor's office is not, South Koreans have to believe in their choices

Li Zaiming is really smart. Using their power to change the rules of the political game and striving to break the tragic fate of the South Korean president after stepping down. But human calculation is not as accurate as fate. South Korea has the world's highest level of internal strife.

더불어민주당, 3대 대통령의 노력이 마침내 성사되었다.노 전 대통령은 검사의 권력을 제한하는 선구자로 자살을 강요당했다.문재연, 대지대용, 검사 출신 윤석열을 이용해 발탁해 자신이 법안을 내놓는 데 대한 저항을 줄이고 (감찰권력 삭감 법안을) 통과시켜 검사의 수사권력을 태반 박탈하고 대부분 경찰 시스템에 맡긴 뒤 검사 시스템과 얼굴을 붉혔다.이재명, 더불어민주당 의회 다수 타이밍 잡고 직접 해.검사의 수사와 소송 권력을 철저히 분리했다.뒤에 좀 더 지켜봐야 될 것 같아요.

당신은 이해하지 못합니다. 검찰원은 심판입니다. 선출할 때 지지 당파를 도와 상대의 검은 재료를 캐고, 현직도 그를 사용하여 더러운 일을 해야 합니다. 현직이 물러나면 청산되어야 합니다. 철로 치는 검사, 흐르는 물의 대통령, 재벌은 윤활유일 뿐입니다.

이재명은 좀 거꾸로 간다. 거꾸로 가는 것은 좀 과장되지만 적어도 퇴보하는 것이다. 한국에서는 검찰청이 있기 때문에 대통령을 살얼음판을 걷게 한다. 그러나 대통령의 적수인 검찰청의 존재에도 불구하고 역대 대통령은 부정부패 혐의가 없는 사람이 몇 명 없다.

이재명은 끝까지 개혁할 수 있을까, 대답은 안 된다.그는"청와대 징크스"로 윤석열을 다스리고 있다. 한국에서의 검찰청의 특권은 곧 흥할 것이다. 몇 세대가 쌓은 산물, 그리고 그 자신이 물러난 후의 회리와 정리를 기다려야 한다!

저는 한국의 선행 제도 체계가 완비되어 있다고 생각합니다. 유일하게 부족한 것은 공직자 직무 청산은 퇴직 후에 이루어져야 완벽합니다. 대통령이 청산되고 나라가 망하는 것을 예방하는 것입니다. 모든 공직자는 옳은 일만 할 수 있습니다. 한 번 실수하면 옥고를 치르게 되고 경외감을 갖게 됩니다.

한국의 역대 대통령에 대한'청와대 징크스'는 이미 한국 정계를 전 세계인의 우스갯소리로 만들었다!